Testimony of

 

 

Juley Fulcher, Esq.

 

 

Public Policy Director

National Coalition Against Domestic Violence

 

 

 

before the

Subcommittee on the Constitution

of the House Committee on the Judiciary

 

on H.R. 1997, the “Unborn Victims of Violence Act of 2003”

 

 

July 8, 2003

 

 

 

 

 


    1532 16th Street NW  Washington, DC 20036   Ph: 202-745-1211  Fax: 745-0088  policy@ncadv.org
           
Good afternoon Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee.  My name is Juley Fulcher and I am the Public Policy Director of the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence (NCADV).  On behalf of the Coalition, I thank you for the opportunity to address the concerns of battered women who experience violence during their pregnancies.   The National Coalition Against Domestic Violence is a nationwide network of approximately 2,000 domestic violence shelters, programs and individual members working on behalf of battered women and their children.  My role here today is to advocate for increased safety for battered women, which in turn will lead to healthier pregnancies and births.  Unfortunately, the “Unborn Victims of Violence Act” (H.R. 1997) does NOT provide the protection that battered women need to obtain safety.

 

Historically, one of the major obstacles to eradicating domestic violence from the lives of women has been the unwillingness of the legal system to treat domestic violence as a serious crime.    The hard work of dedicated domestic violence advocates on the front lines has slowly brought about a change in the way we treat the crime of domestic violence.  States began toughening laws on domestic violence and enforcing existing laws in the late 1980s.  In 1994[1] and 2000[2], Congress gave an important boost to this trend by passing the Violence Against Women Act and committing to a federal investment in protecting battered women and their children. As a result, we have seen increased criminal prosecutions of domestic violence nationwide.  It is important that we continue this trend and recognize domestic violence threats, assaults and murders as the serious crimes that they are.

 

One-third of all female murder victims are killed by an intimate partner.[3] According to a summary of recent studies, 4% to 8% of all pregnant women in this country are battered by the men in their lives[4] with the highest rates of violence being experienced by pregnant adolescents.[5]  Studies now indicate that homicide is the number one killer of pregnant women.[6]  Women who experience abuse are more likely to delay prenatal care[7] and are at a substantially increased risk of domestic violence.[8] Yet physicians do not usually screen for signs of domestic violence even though instances are more common than routinely screened for gestational diabetes or preeclampsia.[9] As an attorney representing victims of domestic violence, I have seen the effects of this violence first hand.  Several years ago, a client of mine lost a pregnancy due to domestic violence.  There was a history of domestic violence in her case and she had sought assistance several times.  While she was 8 months pregnant, her batterer lifted her up in his arms and held her body horizontal to the ground.  He then slammed her body to the floor causing her to miscarry.  No matter how many stories like this I hear, it never ceases to sicken me. I should note that in this case and others I have worked on, it was clear by the batterer’s words and actions that his intent was to cause physical and emotional injury to the woman and establish undeniably his power to control her. We, as a society, are right to want to address this problem and protect women from such a fate.  However, our response to the problem should be one that truly protects the pregnant woman by early intervention and prevention and not a reaction to a specific set of circumstances after the fact, however horrible and sad.

 

The “Unborn Victims of Violence Act” is not designed to protect women and does not help victims of domestic violence.  The goal of the Act is to create a new cause of action on behalf of the unborn and further a specific political agenda.  The result is that the crime committed against a pregnant woman is no longer about the woman victimized by violence.  Instead the focus often will be shifted to the impact of that crime on the unborn embryo or fetus, once again diverting the attention of the legal system away from domestic violence or other forms of violence against women.

 

Moreover, passage of the “Unborn Victims of Violence Act” would set a dangerous precedent, which could easily lead to statutory changes that could hurt battered women.  This bill would, for the first time, federally recognize that the unborn embryo or fetus could be the victim of a crime.  It would not be a large intellectual leap to expand the notion of the unborn fetus as a victim in other realms.  In fact, some states have already made that leap and in those states women have been prosecuted and convicted for acts that infringe on state recognized legal rights of a fetus.  While the “Unborn Victims of Violence Act” specifically exempts the mother from prosecution for her own actions with respect to the fetus, it is easy to imagine subsequent legislation that would hold her responsible for injury to the fetus, even for the violence perpetrated on her by her batterer under a “failure to protect” theory.  Moreover, a battered woman can be intimidated or pressured by her batterer not to reveal the cause of her miscarriage and, if she is financially or emotionally reliant on her batterer, she may be less likely to seek appropriate medical assistance if doing so could result in the prosecution of her batterer for an offense as serious as murder.  The long-term public health implications of such a policy would be devastating for victims of domestic violence and all women.

 

The harmful potential of this bill is, unfortunately, balanced by little or no additional protections for battered women and other women victimized by violence.  The vast majority of domestic violence threats, assaults and murders -- like other crimes of violence -- are prosecuted by the state.  While there are important federal laws to prosecute interstate domestic violence,[10] interstate stalking[11] and interstate violation of a protection order,[12] these are stop-gap statutes which are appropriately applied in a very small number of cases relative to the incidence of domestic violence nationwide.  In fact, the federal domestic violence criminal statutes have been called into play only 130 times between 1994 and 2000.[13] As the “Unborn Victims of Violence Act” would only apply in federal cases, the change in the law would do little, if anything, to address the crime of domestic violence in our country or other assaults on pregnant women.

 

Federal programming already exists that positively impacts the lives of hundreds of thousands of battered women and their children.  Since the original Violence Against Women Act was passed in 1994, we have seen a 49% decrease in intimate partner violence.[14] Unfortunately, available services still do not come close to meeting the needs of victims.  In a recent NCADV survey, as many as two-thirds of the victims seeking assistance at domestic violence shelters and programs were turned away last year due to lack of space.  Since the passage of the Violence Against Women Act of 2000, the fiscal year 2003 appropriations for Violence Against Women Act programming fell more than 100 million dollars short of the authorized amounts. Last year, changes in the way Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) funds were distributed resulted in the loss of more than $30 million to programs serving victims of domestic violence, sexual assault, child abuse and other crimes. In Indiana, 1,185 women and children were turned away this year due to the lack of funding. Michigan has been forced to make cuts of 5% to 10% in direct assistance to victims because of the reduction in VOCA funding. Ohio programs have lost over $2 million dollars in funding and California is struggling to keep its 120 domestic violence programs open. Moreover, funding for programs critical to the sustained safety of battered women such as transitional housing received no funding at all. Women and their unborn children can be helped substantially more by other programs. The cost of intimate partner violence exceeds $5.8 billion dollars in this country each year, not including the cost of the criminal justice process,[15] yet entities that currently work on the front lines to end domestic violence are experiencing large cuts in funding. If the United States Congress is serious about protecting women from domestic violence, whether they are pregnant or not, you must fully fund these programs that have already made so much of a difference in the lives of victims nationwide.

 

I hope you agree with me that the crime of domestic violence is a horrendous one, not only in terms of the physical impact of the violence, but also in terms of its emotional, psychological, social and economic toll upon its victims.  Certainly, there can be no doubt that a pregnancy lost due to domestic violence greatly increases that toll on a battered woman.  We at the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence wish to fully recognize and respond to that loss.  However, the more appropriate means of dealing with this problem with respect to battered women is to provide comprehensive healthcare, safety planning and domestic violence advocacy for victims.  This solution would maintain the focus of any criminal prosecution on the intended victim of violence -- the battered woman -- and make an important affirmative step toward providing safety for her.  If Congress wishes to protect the pregnancy, the way to do that is by protecting the woman.


Endnotes



[1] Public Law 103-322 [H.R. 3355]; September 13, 1994.

[2] Public Law 106-386 [H.R. 3244]; October 28, 2000.

[3] Bureau of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Homicide Trends from 1976-1999, (2001).

[4] Gazmararian, Julie A., Petersen, Ruth, Spitz, Alison M., Goodwin, Mary M., Saltzman, Linda E., and Marks, James S., “Violence and Reproductive Health: Current Knowledge and Future Research Directions,” Maternal and Child Health Journal, Vol. 4, No. 2, 2000.

[5] Wiemann, Constance M., Agurcia, Carloyn A., Berenson, Abbey B., Volk, Robert, J. & Rickert, Vaughn I., “Pregnant Adolescents: Experiences and Behaviors Associated with Physical Assault by an Intimate Partner,” Maternal and Child Health Journal, Vol. 4, No. 2, 2000.

[6] Horon, I. and Cheng D. “Enhancing surveillance for Pregnancy-Associated Mortality-Maryland, 1993-1998.” Journal of American Medical Association, Vol. 285, No. 11, pg. 1457. March 21, 2001. Study examines the most common cause of death for pregnant women between the years of 1993 to 1998.

[7] Parker, B. et al. "Physical and Emotional Abuse in Pregnancy: A Comparison of Adult and Teenage Women”. Nursing Research, Vol. 42, No. 3, pg. 173-7. 1993

[8] Russo, Nancy Felipe and Jean Denious, Understanding the Relationship of Violence Against Women to Unwanted Pregnancy and its Resolution, (1999). In Beckman, Linda J. and S. Marie Harvey, eds. The new civil war. The psychology, culture, an politic of abortion. Washington DC, The American Psychological Association, pg. 211-234.

[9] Gazmararian, Julie A., Petersen, Ruth, Spitz, Alison M., Goodwin, Mary M., Saltzman, Linda E., and Marks, James S., “Violence and Reproductive Health: Current Knowledge and Future Research Directions,” Maternal and Child Health Journal, Vol. 4, No. 2, 2000.

[10] 18 U.S.C. 2261(a).

[11] 18 U.S.C. 2261A.

[12] 18 U.S.C. 2262(a)(1).

[13] This number reflects actual indictments under 18 U.S.C. 2261, 2261A and 2262 through November, 2000.  It does not include the largest category of federal domestic violence prosecutions, those brought under 18 U.S.C. 922(g)(8) – a statute that is not addressed by the “Unborn Victims of Violence Act.”

[14] “Intimate Partner Violence, 1993-2001,”  Callie Marie Rennison,  Bureau of Justice Statistics Crime Data Brief, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, February, 2003.

[15] National Center for Injury and Prevention and Control. Costs of Intimate Partner Violence Against Women in the United States. Atlanta (GA): Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2003.