SUBCOMMITTEE ON COURTS AND
INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY
U.S. HOUSE OF
REPRESENTATIVES
OVERSIGHT HEARING ON
THE NEED FOR ADDITIONAL FEDERAL DISTRICT
COURT JUDGES
Thursday, October 9, 1997
Room 2237 Rayburn Building, 10:00
AM
Dolin Testimony
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee:
My name is Mitchell F. Dolin, and I am a practicing attorney with
Covington & Burling in Washington, D.C. I am Co-Chair of the Task Force on the
Judiciary of the American Bar Association's Litigation Section. I have been designated
by the ABA's president, Jerome J. Shestack, to present the Association's position on
certain aspects of H.R. 2294, the Federal Courts Improvement Act of 1997, and H.R.
2603, the Alternative Dispute Resolution and Settlement Encouragement Act. We at
the ABA welcome these hearings as an opportunity to bring the expertise and
experience of the organized bar to your consideration of this legislation.
The two bills under consideration contain numerous technical and
substantive provisions. My testimony today will focus on those substantive areas where
the ABA has adopted policy, principally those that would affect the scope of federal
diversity jurisdiction.
H.R.2294 - FEDERAL COURTS IMPROVEMENTS ACT OF
1997
A. IN-STATE PLAINTIFF DIVERSITY JURISDICTION
Section 302 of H.R. 2294 seeks to limit the scope of diversity jurisdiction
by prohibiting the invocation of this jurisdiction by in-state plaintiffs. This measure,
identical in substance to proposed legislation repeatedly rejected by Congress in recent
years, is unwise as a matter of policy and practice. Before turning to the specifics, a
few general comments about diversity jurisdiction may be helpful in putting this proposal
in perspective.
The Association's position on diversity jurisdiction is one of long standing.
In June 1978, the ABA adopted its position opposing the elimination of diversity
jurisdiction in general and the elimination of diversity jurisdiction for in-state plaintiffs in
particular. This action was taken after the House of Delegates had rejected a resolution
to abolish or curtail diversity jurisdiction. The ABA's policy opposing limitations on
diversity jurisdiction was formally reaffirmed in August 1996.
For more than 200 years, diversity jurisdiction has well served the ends of
justice in America. The system of coordinate jurisdiction, under which the federal and
state courts are both empowered to resolve questions of state and federal law, has
been a vital part of our federalism since 1789. While some may think it anomalous, it is
an important part of our federal system and is not inconsistent with notions of sound
judicial administration. Congress should not alter diversity jurisdiction in the absence of
a compelling demonstration of a need for change. The ABA believes that the
proponents of change have not made, and cannot make, that showing.
The arguments for and against legislative change are by now familiar to
the members of this Subcommittee. Those who propose the total elimination of
diversity jurisdiction rely most heavily on two arguments: (1) that the fear of local
prejudice originally justifying diversity jurisdiction is a vestige of the past; and (2) that
the elimination of diversity jurisdiction would relieve our overburdened federal courts.
Those who favor retention of diversity jurisdiction dispute the premise that localized
prejudices have disappeared and believe that there are better ways to lessen the
burdens on our federal system than to shift that burden to our overtaxed state
courts.
The oft-stated goal of the Judicial Conference of the United States has
long been the abolition of diversity jurisdiction. Its endorsement of limitations such as
eliminating in-state plaintiff suits and last year's increase of the amount-in-controversy
threshold are interim steps toward that goal. Notwithstanding the Judicial Conference's
position, few issues of concern to the legal profession have evoked the Bar's uniform,
sustained, and strongly held opposition as this issue. The vast majority of the
organized bar, including the American Trial Lawyers Association, the American
Corporate Counsel Association, and all fifty state bars have steadfastly opposed such
diversity "reforms."
The Judicial Conference recently took this opposition into account when it
finalized the recommendations of its Proposed Long Range Plan for the Federal
Courts relating to federal court jurisdiction. Earlier versions of the Plan
called on Congress "to eliminate diversity," with narrow enumerated exceptions, or
alternatively to reduce substantially the scope of diversity by eliminating in-state
plaintiffs' jurisdiction and by raising the minimum amount-in-controversy requirement.
The final approved Long Range Plan drops the call for eliminating diversity
jurisdiction and instead urges Congress to "consider seeking to reduce the number of
federal court proceedings" based on diversity jurisdiction. Section 302 of H.R. 2294
reflects the Judicial Conference's incremental approach. The ABA, however, believes
that the in-state plaintiffs' proposal is as flawed as the older calls for complete
elimination of diversity.
Section 302 of H.R. 2294 would bar plaintiffs from invoking diversity
jurisdiction when they sue in their home states. Under this proposed legislation,
however, an out-of-state defendant sued in state court by an in-state plaintiff would still
have the right to remove to federal court.
The elimination of diversity jurisdiction for in-state plaintiffs obviously
implicates different arguments from proposals to eliminate diversity jurisdiction entirely.
Those who propose elimination of in-state plaintiffs' diversity jurisdiction tend to argue
from narrower grounds; they argue: (1) that although local bias may persist, a plaintiff
suing in his or her home state need not fear such bias; and (2) that elimination of
diversity jurisdiction for resident plaintiffs is a moderate change that would alleviate the
federal caseload burden without swamping the state courts.
The ABA submits that, while the pending bill appears to be less
extreme than total elimination of diversity, it has the same basic defects and in some
ways would have consequences even more untoward than total elimination.
The argument that in-state plaintiffs are not entitled to a federal forum in
their home states because they need no protection against localized prejudices is both
untrue and beside the point. The fact is that many in-state plaintiffs seek a federal
forum in their home states to escape real or perceived state-court bias. For example, a
local plaintiff suing an out-of-state corporation might nonetheless be the victim of local
bias if the corporate defendant is the major employer in his or her small town. Similarly,
some in-state plaintiffs may be much more out of step with local folkways and
sympathies than the out-of-state defendant. Federal court would provide such plaintiffs
access to a jury venire drawn from a broader geographical range, one that may be (or
perceived to be) less beholden or sympathetic to the defendant. Thus, while we tend to
assume that the non-resident defendant is the only party that needs protection from
local prejudices, this is not always the case.
In any event, the argument that in-state plaintiffs need no refuge from
local prejudice misses the mark for a more fundamental reason: It incorrectly assumes
that avoidance of local prejudice is the only justification for diversity jurisdiction. In fact,
quite little is known about why diversity jurisdiction was provided for in the Constitution
and the Judiciary Act of 1789. If protection of non-resident defendants from
geographical prejudices had been the main rationale for diversity jurisdiction, it would
be difficult to explain why in-state plaintiffs have been permitted to invoke diversity
jurisdiction since the enactment of the Judiciary Act of 1789.
The benefits of diversity jurisdiction are many and transcend concerns
about geographical bias. Diversity jurisdiction brings to the federal courts questions of
national importance; indeed, as one federal judge has observed, the "demonstrable
need for a federal jurisdiction in major matters affecting interstate commerce . . . alone
should justify its continued existence." Diversity jurisdiction also facilitates an
important dialogue between the state and federal courts by which each system learns
from the other in connection with procedural and evidentiary rules, as well as matters of
substantive law. It also preserves a citizen's access to justice and provides an
alternative forum well worth its cost. Aside from complaints about the burdens that
diversity cases may impose on the federal courts, there appears to be general
satisfaction with the manner in which the federal courts handle diversity cases.
Eliminating in-state plaintiffs' diversity jurisdiction would deprive litigants of
important federal innovations. For instance, the machinery now available under Section
1407 of the Judicial Code (28 U.S.C. 1407) for pretrial consolidation of multi-district
litigation ("MDL") involving mass disasters and mass-tort situations applies only to
cases in federal court. Similar benefits, actual and potential, are facilitated by
nationwide class actions in the federal courts. In addition, some very recent federal
innovations, such as the December 1993 changes in the Federal Rules of Civil
Procedure regarding pre-trial discovery and the plans of individual districts pursuant to
the Civil Justice Reform Act of 1990, promise to streamline the pre-trial process for all
civil cases in the federal district courts.
If congestion in the federal courts is the problem, the solution is not to limit
the public's access to the system by reducing the scope of diversity jurisdiction,
especially when that jurisdiction is serving a useful purpose in our society. Diversity
jurisdiction should not be blamed for the fact that many federal courts are crowded.
In the recent past, diversity cases have tended to account for between
twenty percent (20%) and twenty-three (23%) of the annual civil case filings in the
federal courts. According to the statistics published by the Administrative Office of the
United States Courts for the twelve-month period ending September 30, 1996, diversity
cases accounted for just over twenty-two percent (22%) of civil filings. Prior to the 1989
effective date of the increase in the amount-in-controversy requirement from $10,000 to
$50,000, diversity cases accounted for nearly twenty-nine percent (29%) of the federal
civil docket. In terms of annual filings, diversity cases were down from nearly 70,000 in
1988 to approximately 60,000 in 1996. As a percentage of the federal civil docket,
diversity filings are about as low as they have been in 45 years and down seven
percentage points below where they were several years ago. And as a result of the
recent increase in the diversity amount-in-controversy from $50,000 to $75,000, which
became effective in January 1997, diversity cases can be expected to decline further in
both numerical and percentage terms.
Diversity-related strains on the federal system have been significantly
reduced during the past decade and will be further reduced once the January 1997
increase in the amount-in-controversy is felt. Congestion in the federal courts comes
from many other sources, including the increased criminal caseload, the statutory
creation of new federal causes of action and crimes, unfilled judicial vacancies,
population growth, and the increasing litigiousness of the American public and its
government. Curtailing diversity jurisdiction is no panacea if the problem at issue is
federal court congestion.
Moreover, any perceived benefits of relieving federal burdens by
eliminating federal jurisdiction for in-state plaintiffs would be more than offset by the
burdens that would be imposed on our state judicial systems. The argument that
diversity cases should be shifted from the federal courts, which are overburdened, to
the state courts, which can easily absorb them because of the state system's
collectively larger capacity, is an inaccurate over-simplification. Some federal districts
are not overburdened, while some state courts are so overburdened that it takes
several years to get a case to trial. Obviously, justice will not be served by "transferring
cases from one logjam to another."
Since 1985, civil caseloads in the state courts have dramatically
increased. In 1992, filings per federal judge totaled 1,238 while filings per state judge
totaled 3,365; for civil and criminal cases, filings are increasing much more rapidly in
the state courts. In many urban areas, including Houston, New York City, and
Pittsburgh, the median time from filing to disposition has tended to be much higher in
state court than in federal court.
Although we obviously cannot predict with certainty how many cases will
be shifted from federal to state court as a result of the pending proposal, indications are
that the numbers may be substantial and that those cases will impose a substantial
burden on the state courts. The most recent quantitative study of this issue of which we
are aware concludes that "barring in-state plaintiffs from filing diversity cases in federal
court would impose a disproportionate burden on state courts" and "might be nearly as
much of a burden on state court as would be total abolition of diversity jurisdiction."
Since federal court diversity cases are on average more complex and time consuming
than state court cases, transferring cases from the federal courts will impose burdens
on state courts that they are not as well equipped to handle. For example, the
transferred cases will involve high amounts in controversy, so they will be more
complex and less susceptible to settlement. Furthermore, state courts would have to
deal with additional complex multiparty litigation, but without access to federal
procedural mechanisms. By combining the unprecedented burdens our state courts
are facing today with the added burden of having to deal with complex new cases,
enactment of Section 302 would greatly increase the problems faced by our state
courts. I would also note that state courts are already facing an enormous challenge in
the face of recently enacted laws shifting former federal functions to the states.
The pending bill would also have undesirable consequences for litigants
and the federal courts. The practical effect in many cases would be to deprive an
injured individual of access to the federal court in his home state even though his
interest would be better served in federal court. The alternative of initiating litigation in
an out-of-state federal court, which will be pursued by some plaintiffs, will be
unavailable to poorer litigants. In cases where that step is taken, all that will be
accomplished is to increase the cost of litigation and to inconvenience both the
witnesses and the parties. Another consequence of eliminating in-state plaintiffs'
diversity jurisdiction is that it would shift the forum-selection decision from the plaintiff to
the defendant. Under the pending bill, the defendant sued by an in-state plaintiff would
have the opportunity to choose between state and federal court, and it is possible that
this option will be exercised by many defendants to place cases in the more heavily
congested judicial system.
Finally, we note that the proponents of Section 302 can offer nothing new
in support that should prompt Congress to enact a measure that it has considered and
rejected year after year. Particularly in light of the fifty percent (50%) increase in the
amount-in-controversy, which just became effective earlier this year, Section 302 is
particularly ill timed. When Congress adopted the diversity amount-in-controversy
increase last year, Congress specifically rejected abolition of ISP diversity and
consciously determined "to leave the in-state plaintiff as is." We therefore urge
Congress not to reconsider its earlier rejection of this measure.
B. JUDICIAL RETIREMENT MATTERS
Section 401 changes the "rule of 80" age and service requirements for
retirement to senior status by justices and Article III judges under 28 U.S.C. 371(b).
The senior status system which originated in 1919 permits a federal judge
to retire from regular active service, but retain the office and continue to perform such
judicial duties as he or she is able and willing to undertake. In 1984, Congress
amended the law to provide a more comprehensive and rational spectrum of age and
years-of-service criteria for the retirement of federal judges. Presently under 28 U.S.C.
371, a judge between the ages of 65 and 70 whose age and years of service total 80
may elect either to retire on salary under subsection (a), or retire in senior status under
subsection (b). Federal judges have life tenure under Article III of the Constitution and
are not required to retire or to take senior status when they become eligible.
The most recent modification to the Rule of 80 in 1989 imposed a
requirement that senior judges work a schedule that is at least 25 percent of the
average active judge's schedule to be eligible for salary increases other than COLAs.
The Judicial Conference must certify in each calendar year those senior judges who are
meeting the 25 percent requirement.
Section 401 would only amend Section 371(b) to permit a federal judge to
elect senior status between the ages of 60 and 64 if the judge's age and years of
service equal 80. The Association has urged such an amendment since 1988,
believing that a judge between the ages of 60 and 64 should also be permitted to retire
in senior status if the judge's work years and age total 80. Section 401 does not allow,
nor does the ABA policy support, amending subsection (a) to permit a judge between
the ages of 60 and 64 to retire on salary.
This judicial retirement system has served our nation well,
particularly during periods of reduced resources available to the federal judiciary.
Senior judges have provided an essential service by helping to relieve staggering
caseload pressures and by helping to compensate for lost resources due to judicial
vacancies. Lowering the eligibility requirement for senior status to age 60 with a
consequent increase in the years of service requirement, as proposed in Section 401,
expands the number of judges available to hear cases at a minimal additional cost to
the government.
The costs to the government associated with the amendment would not
be substantial because a judge will continue to receive the same salary whether he or
she elects senior status or not. There is, of course, the salary and related expenses
associated with the appointment of a successor judge. However, such costs do not
compare with the cost associated with the creation of a new judgeship. Indeed, some
of the need for new judgeships is reduced by the earlier appointment of successor
judges and the concomitant expansion of the pool of senior status judges. Allowing
judges to assume senior status beginning at age 60 would generate an additional
number of experienced judges for the pool of senior judges.
Statistics gathered by the Administrative Office of the United States
Courts show that senior judges provide invaluable service to the courts, litigants, and
taxpayers. Senior judges have become an indispensable resource in the efficient
management of the caseload of the district courts, especially with regard to civil cases.
On a day-to-day basis, senior judges are utilized to write opinions, decide motions,
provide administrative services and participate in settlement efforts. They are assigned
to complex litigation -- both civil and criminal, emergency hearings, and oral argument
panels. Allowing judges between the ages of 60 and 64 who have the requisite years
of experience would significantly enlarge the value of senior judges to our judicial
system.
The ABA strongly urges the adoption of Section 401.
C. COMPENSATION FOR ATTORNEYS AND FOR SERVICES OTHER THAN COUNSEL
Sections 501 and 502 would amend the Criminal Justice Act to authorize
increases in fees and the compensation paid assigned counsel. The ABA takes no
position on the specific amounts recommended in Sections 501 and 502. Our policy,
however, endorses compensation rates and case compensation maximum amounts,
and fees that are appropriate to the type of cases and the location in which services are
provided, and the administrative flexibility to adjust compensation rates to reflect
changes in the costs of law practice. To that end, the Association has long endorsed
an administrative mechanism for increasing case rates and compensation authorized
under the Criminal Justice Act. The objective of our policy is to provide reasonable
compensation in accordance with prevailing standards. (See attached policy adopted
February, 1982.) Also, in addressing reasonable compensation, our standards urge
that administrators of assigned counsel programs have the flexibility to develop criteria
for compensation that take into consideration the number of hours reasonably
expended in light of the complexity, duration and difficulty of the case. (See Standard
5-2.4. "Compensation and expenses." ABA Standards for Criminal Justice:
Providing Defense Services, Third Edition.)
These policies reflect concern over the continued willingness of counsel to
participate in the defense of indigent clients. Regardless of the method chosen by
Congress to provide for compensation and fee adjustments under the Criminal Justice
Act -- statutory or administrative -- we urge that periodic adjustments be made in a
timely manner in order to preserve the integrity and purposes for which the Act was
passed.
* * *
H.R.2603 - THE ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION AND SETTLEMENT ENCOURAGEMENT ACT
Turning now to H.R.2603 - the Alternative Dispute Resolution and Settlement
Encouragement Act. While the American Bar Association has long supported voluntary
arbitration in the federal courts, it strongly opposes mandatory arbitration programs,
even if nonbinding, where involuntary participation is required before litigants are
allowed a trial before a jury or federal judge. All Americans are guaranteed the right to
a jury trial in suits at common law by the 7th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.
While arbitration can often be a useful, cost-effective way to resolve many legal
disputes, it must be the parties' decision whether to waive their right to judicial fact
finding and pursue this option.
A. ARBITRATION IN DISTRICT COURTS
Section 2 of H.R. 2603 would expand the use of both voluntary and
mandatory arbitration in federal district courts. It would amend the Judicial
Improvements and Access to Justice Act, which was signed into law in 1988, by
requiring all federal district courts to authorize by local rule the use of arbitration in civil
actions, including adversary proceedings in bankruptcy. The bill would also allow
parties in any civil action to submit voluntarily to court-annexed arbitration, while at the
same time granting federal district judges the power to force litigants to arbitrate certain
cases involving less than $150,000. H.R. 2603 would leave intact the current
procedure by which a party who is dissatisfied with the arbitration award may demand a
trial de novo in the district court.
Under the 1988 Judicial Improvements and Access to Justice Act, federal
judges in 10 judicial districts around the country were granted the power, on an
experimental basis, to refer certain cases to mandatory arbitration so long as no federal
constitutional questions are involved and so long as only monetary damages of
$100,000 or less are being sought. H.R.2603 would greatly expand the use of
mandatory arbitration by granting every federal district court the power to make such
mandatory referrals and by increasing the maximum size of such cases to
$150,000.
The ABA believes that both of these proposed changes are unwarranted
and would result in even more parties being effectively denied their constitutional right
to a trial by jury. Even though parties who are unsuccessful in arbitrations compelled by
the court are permitted to seek a trial de novo and have the dispute heard again by the
trial court, their right to have their disputes heard by a judge and jury in the first instance
would be taken away. Perhaps more importantly, by requiring parties to initiate a
separate court proceeding to reverse the arbitrator's award, parties will be forced to
incur unnecessary additional attorneys' fees and court costs, as well as further delays in
resolving their claims. As a result, the mandatory court-annexed arbitration programs
such as those promoted by H.R.2603 would burden, abridge and often effectively deny
the right of civil litigants to a due process evidentiary-based trial in federal court.
Although the ABA strongly objects to the mandatory arbitration provisions
of H.R.2603, it does support that portion of the bill that requires each federal district
court to authorize by local rule the use of voluntary arbitration in civil actions, including
adversary proceedings in bankruptcy. Under the expanded pilot program created by
the Judicial Improvements and Access to Justice Act, 20 federal district courts were
authorized to refer cases to arbitration when all parties agree to arbitrate. This
worthwhile experiment should be extended to all federal courts, and every federal
district court judge should have the ability to refer appropriate cases to arbitration when
the parties fully consent. To the extent that H.R.2603 would require the creation of
such voluntary arbitration programs throughout the country, the bill serves the interests
of justice by encouraging the prompt and efficient resolution of cases and by helping to
reduce the caseloads of the overburdened federal courts.
B. AWARD OF REASONABLE COSTS AND ATTORNEY'S FEES IN
FEDERAL CIVIL DIVERSITY LITIGATION AFTER AN OFFER OF SETTLEMENT
Section 3 of H.R.2603 would revise the federal rules of procedure
and apply a modified "losers pay" or fee shifting rule in diversity jurisdiction cases
brought in federal court. It would require that if either side rejected a settlement offer
prior to trial, and did less well at the trial than the offer, that party would be responsible
for a portion of the attorney's fees of the other party.
The American Bar Association opposes enactment of legislation such as
Section 3 of H.R.2603 that would apply a concept of "losers pay" to all cases brought in
the federal courts pursuant to the grant of diversity jurisdiction because (1) it is an ill-advised approach to limiting diversity jurisdiction, (2) it would encouraging forum
shopping, (3) it would deter those who lack the financial wherewithal to absorb not only
their own legal fees, but also those of their adversaries from filing meritorious claims or
defending meritorious positions, and (4) it would undermine our country's concept of
equal justice under the law.
Despite its ostensible purpose of facilitating meaningful settlement negotiations,
Section 3 is fundamentally flawed. It is biased toward litigant with financial muscle and
places an unfair burden on defendants with limited financial means. Its effect willl be to
deter most claimants with limited financial means, and encourage settlement by
gamesmanship rather than encouraging realistic appraisals. Consider the following
examples of its potential negative impact.
* The proposal does not require that settlement offers
be reasonable -- a defendant can trigger the fee-shifting rule by offering to settle for as little as one
dollar -- forcing claimants or defendants either to
accept an unfair settlement offer or run the risk of
incurring the fees of the other side.
* It places an extra burden on the poor, the middle class and small
businesses who are entitled by law to choose a federal forum. This
extra burden is unrelated to the merits of their claims. Worse yet,
its weight is involuntary when it falls on the poor, the middle class
and small businesses when they are brought to the federal forum
by a litigant much better able to bear the burden of possible fee-shifting.
* Claimants who are not required to pay their own attorney's fees
unless they prevail will find themselves losing the entire benefit of
that fee arrangement once the defendant makes any offer that
triggers the fee provision. Only the wealthy claimant will be able to
run the risk of incurring such fees, and in particular, the middle
class claimant, who has some assets to lose, will be in the greatest
jeopardy.
* In a clear case of liability, the advantage may lie with the plaintiff.
That advantage may be partially alleviated by a counter offer or
demand, but in all cases the risk of litigation is greater for someone
believing their claim or defense is just.
* This proposal does not provide safeguards to allow reasonable
access to the federal courts for all litigants and safeguards against
an abusive misuse of the fee-shifting procedures. The exemption in
Subsection (4) and the relief provided in Subsection (6) for
manifest injustice do not begin to level the playing field.
Although the ABA does not support court rules or statutes that include
fee-shifting based on rejection of settlement offers, it adopted policy in February 1996
suggesting that if such a statute or rule is being contemplated, certain safeguards
outlined in an "offer of judgment procedure," included in the report be incorporated in
such a statute or rule. That policy is attached.
The ABA does supports fee-shifting in certain instances when a private
party prevails against the government. For example, it supports legislation to shift-- in
certain types of administrative and judicial proceedings--the costs of legal
representation from a prevailing party to the government to achieve a substantial public
benefit or enforce important public rights if the economic interest of the party is small in
comparison to the cost of effective participation, and if the prevailing party does not
have sufficient resources to compensate counsel adequately.
The case, however, has not been made for abandoning the tradition in
this country of requiring each party to bear its own attorneys' fees. While some fee-shifting occurs under some state or federal statutes and procedures, the heavy burden
of persuasion must rest on the proposers of such variance from the American
Rule.
Before denying access to the courts to those unable to afford the
substantial litigation costs involved in this modified "loser pays" proposal, it should first
be determined whether there are compelling reasons to change the current American
Rule beyond the limited number of statutory exceptions now in effect, or to impose such
arbitrary limits on all diversity jurisdiction cases. It has not been demonstrated that this
modified "loser pays" procedure is the way to address the concerns it is claimed that the
proposal would address.
The early disposition of litigation and the disincentive to filing frivolous
claims are important considerations in any civil justice system. In fact, under the
current system, the vast majority of cases settle before trial. There is no reason to
assume this proposal would have the positive effect of increasing the percentage of
cases that settle.
This is exactly why the ABA believes the procedures under the Rules
Enabling Act should be the vehicle for considering whether suitable revisions of the
federal rules of procedure will enhance early settlement and discourage frivolous
litigation without aggravating the existing reality that an advantage in most civil litigation
rests with those with the greatest financial resources.
The ABA fully supports the Rules Enabling Act processes which are
based on the following three fundamental concepts: (1) the general principle of judicial
rulemaking; (2) procedures that permit full public participation of the members of the
legal profession, and (3) recognition of a Congressional review period.
The ABA does not question Congressional power to regulate the practices
and procedures of federal courts. Congress exercised this power by delegating its
rulemaking authority to the judiciary through the enactment of the Rules Enabling Act,
while retaining the authority to review and amend rules prior to their taking effect. The
ABA does, however, question the wisdom of circumventing the Rules Enabling Act, as
is proposed in H.R.2603.
For the foregoing reasons, the ABA urges the rejection of H.R.2603.
* * * * *
In conclusion, I commend the Subcommittee for addressing these
issues and appreciate the opportunity to contribute to the dialogue on these legislative
proposals.
SUMMARY OF STATEMENT SUBMITTED BY
MITCHELL F. DOLIN ON BEHALF OF THE ABA
My name is Mitchell F. Dolin, and I am a practicing attorney with Covington & Burling in Washington, D.C. I
am Co-Chair of the Task Force on the Judiciary of the American Bar Association's Litigation Section.
Diversity Jurisdiction. The ABA opposes those provisions of H.R.2294 which would eliminate
diversity jurisdiction for an in-state plaintiff. For more than 200 years, since the ratification of the Constitution and
the enactment of the Judiciary Act of 1789, diversity jurisdiction has well served the ends of justice in America.
Congress should not alter that jurisdiction in the absence of a compelling demonstration of a need for change. The
ABA believes that the proponents of change cannot make that showing.
The ABA believes that in-state plaintiffs, like out-of-state plaintiffs, are equally entitled to the benefits of
diversity jurisdiction -- a proposition recognized by Congress in 1789. Diversity jurisdiction shields litigants from
localized prejudices, places before the federal courts questions of national importance, and fosters an important
dialogue between the state and federal systems. If jurisdiction is eliminated for in-state plaintiffs, the benefits of a
federal forum will be denied to plaintiffs without the financial means to pursue litigation outside of their home
states.
Diversity cases account for approximately 22 percent of the civil filings in the federal district courts. In total
numbers, annual diversity filings have declined from 70,000 to 60,000 over the past decade, and a further decline is
expected as a result of the January 1997 increase in the amount-in-controversy from $50,000 to $75,000. The
leading causes of federal court congestion are the increased criminal caseload, unfilled judicial vacancies, and the
creation of new federal causes of action and crimes. Curbing diversity jurisdiction is no panacea if the problem is
federal court congestion.
Finally, the ABA is concerned that any new limitations on the scope of diversity jurisdiction would place
undue strains on the state courts. The most recent quantitative study of which we are aware concludes that
elimination of in-state plaintiffs' diversity might be as burdensome to the state courts as total elimination. Moving
cases from a federal logjam, to a state logjam is no solution.
Rule of 80. The Association supports the proposed change in Section 401 of H.R.2294 that would
amend 28 U.S.C. Sec. 371(b) to permit a federal judge to elect senior status between the ages of 60 and 64 if the
judge's age and years of service equal 80. The Association has urged such an amendment since 1988, believing
that a judge between the ages of 60 and 64 should also be permitted to retire in senior status if the judge's work
years and age total 80. Section 401 does not allow, nor does the ABA policy support, amending subsection (a) to
permit a judge between the ages of 60 and 64 to retire on salary.
Criminal Justice Amendments. Sections 501 and 502 of H.R.2294 would amend the Criminal
Justice Act to authorize increases in fees and the compensation paid assigned counsel. The ABA takes no position
on the specific amounts recommended; however, the Association endorses an administrative mechanism for
increasing case rates and compensation authorized under the Criminal Justice Act so that adjustments can be
made in a timely manner.
Mandatory Arbitration. The ABA strongly objects to the mandatory arbitration provisions of
Sec. 2 of H.R.2603, but it does support those provisions that requires each federal district court to authorize by local
rule the use of voluntary arbitration in civil actions, including adversary proceedings in bankruptcy.
"Loser Pay" requirement in diversity cases. The ABA opposes enactment of legislation such
as Section 3 of H.R.2603 that would apply a concept of "losers pay" to all cases brought in the federal courts
pursuant to the grant of diversity jurisdiction because (1) it is an ill-advised approach to limiting diversity jurisdiction,
(2) it would encouraging forum shopping, (3) it would deter those who lack the financial wherewithal to absorb not
only their own legal fees, but also those of their adversaries from filing meritorious claims or defending meritorious
positions, and (4) it would undermine our country's concept of equal justice under the law.
In conclusion, I commend the Subcommittee for addressing these issues and appreciate the opportunity to
contribute to the dialogue on these legislative proposals.