STATEMENT ON CLASS ACTIONS
FOR THE COURTS AND INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY SUBCOMMITTEE
OF THE COMMITTEE ON JUDICIARY OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
March 5, 1998
By John P. Frank(1)
as invited by the Committee
My name is John P. Frank and I am the senior partner of the law firm of Lewis and Roca, Phoenix, Arizona. I served as a member of the Committee on Civil Procedure by appointment of Chief Justice Warren, as that committee existed in the 1960s when Rule 23 was created. Since that time, I have been involved as a witness or otherwise in a great number of matters relating to the jurisdiction of the federal courts and their procedure. I have been an emeritus but participating member of the Civil Procedure Committee for a number of years, including the years in which Rule 23 has been reexamined. I have repeatedly appeared before this Subcommittee and its Senate equivalent on one or another matters of procedure or jurisdiction. I was chairman for many years of the Arizona state procedure committee, which is essentially identical with the federal system, and have taught jurisdiction and procedure variously at Yale University, the University of Arizona, Arizona State University, and the University of Washington; and I have lectured throughout the country on these topics. My Who Who's and Martindale-Hubbell squibs are attached to this statement as Exhibit A.
I have had kindly recognition for involvement in work of this kind, most recently the receipt of the Lewis F. Powell, Jr. Award of the American Inns of Court Foundation in a ceremony performed at the Supreme Court. Others who have preceded me in that award include Justice Powell himself, Justice Brennan, and Judge John Minor Wisdom of the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals.
I. ORIGIN OF RULE 23.
Rule 23, on which the basic committee work was done in 1962 and 1963 and which was promulgated in 1966, must be seen as part of both its professional and its social times. The social setting had a most direct bearing on this rule. Rule 23 was in work in direct parallel to the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the race relations echo of that decade was always in the committee room. If there was single, undoubted goal of the committee, the energizing force which motivated the whole rule, it was the firm determination to create a class action system which could deal with civil rights and, explicitly, segregation. The one part of the rule which was never doubted was (b)(2) and without its high utility, in the spirit of the times, we might well have had no rule at all.
The other factor is that 1964 was also the apogee of the Great Society. President Johnson was elected with the most overwhelming vote ever, as of that time, achieved by anyone. A spirit of them versus us, of exploiters who must not exploit the whole population, of a fairly simplistic good guy - bad guy outlook on the world, had its consequences.
One other element of the time must be identified: This was a world to which the litigation explosion had not yet come. The problems which became overwhelming in the eighties were not anticipated in the sixties. The Restatement (Second) of Torts and the development of products liability law was still in the offing. The basic idea of a big case with plaintiffs unified as to liability but disparate as to damages was the Grand Canyon airplane crash. A few giant other cases were discussed but, as will be shown, they were expected to be too big for the new rule.
Put at its simplest, what new Rule 23 did, first, was expand the true class action somewhat, (b)(1); second, make sure that suits against segregation, as well as other civil rights cases, would be within the class action rule and would be binding as to all members of the class liberally conceived, (b)(2); and third, the one time spurious class action which has been restricted to actual parties was turned into a binding res judicata procedure which could cover a universe as large as notice could reach. It is, I believe, true that (b)(3) was the most radical bit of rulemaking since the original rules created one cause of action and abolished key distinctions between law and equity. The committee repeatedly spoke of it as a "crowning accomplishment."
It was perfectly apparent to the rules-makers of the time that they were doing big things. The critical meeting was October 31 and November 2, 1963, and the most sharply disputed question was whether to have Rule (b)(3) at all.
There were two levels of concern over (b)(3), apart from details. Remember, the possibility of group securities actions, of RICO and of products liability were still in the future. The sharp practical concern was that major defendants charged with tort liability could readily rig what I will unkindly call a patsy class, arranged to have it sue, have the class take a dive, and thus let the defendants avoid responsibility. It was perceived from the beginning that the class action had the potential of turning the courts into merchants of res judicata, selling that valuable asset at a manipulated price. That was the practical problem and it was more than hinted at from time to time. Remember that this was the era of the Great Society, and "big business" has a very limited stock of trust.
So much for the underlying policy resistance. The legal form which this resistance took was that it was morally and constitutionally wrong to deprive people of their causes of action without their consent. Mind you, this is not long after such cases as Sipuel v. Oklahoma or other of the great civil rights cases which had heavily stressed that individual legal rights were personal, not fungible. There was an intense sensitivity to the fact that people should not be swept into a basket; that their rights were independent and personal to them.
Had this problem of individual rights not been solved in a fashion which satisfied that committee, I think there never would have been a (b)(3). There was great concern that in mass torts perhaps there should be no class actions at all. Professor J.W. Moore gave the illustration of the Ringling Bros. mass tort, the fire in the tent at Hartford. He said that any compulsory class action "goes against my grain of the right of the litigant to run his own lawsuit"; and he repeated a concern I had expressed earlier that "the Pennsylvania Railroad, or some other alleged tort feasor" might take "the initiative to force a concourse of plaintiffs in a particular jurisdiction. I can't think of anything nicer for the general counsel of the Pennsylvania Railroad in the Perth Amboy situation, than your class suit rule."
It was at that moment that committee member Judge Charles Wyzanski had his flash of genius. He responded to Professor Moore, "Would you be satisfied, Professor Moore, if the class could never include anybody who specifically protests within a given period?" Professor Moore responded, "That would be helpful" and the principal opponent of (b)(3) added, "If that were done, my problem would evaporate."
Thus, the opt-out concept was born and quickly adopted. Again, it must be perceived that this was not the conception of the "opt-out" of today because the really large class action had not yet been conceived of. Judge Wyzanski was thinking of relatively small classes, and he said of the individual claimant, "If he cares enough to conduct his own litigation," he should "be allowed to do it. He must affirmatively care." Again, it was here assumed that opt-out was an actual conscious choice of a person who had a meaningful alternative to bring his own action. It assumed that the interest of the individual was large enough so that the option of bringing one's own action was a meaningful option. The concept of thousands of notices going ceremonially to persons with such small interests that they could not conceivably bring their own action was still in the future. The committee thought that it was making a major policy decision and not that as a practical matter it was simply going to either subsidize or burden future branches of the United States postal system with superfluous mail.
I make this a little more innocent than it was. Professor Kaplan raised the possibility of very large numbers of claims. A couple of other examples were given. But Judge Wyzanski was firm that all those people, even in a giant case, would have to have notice:
I think you also have to make a finding that the form of notice to be used would in all probability reach all persons in the proposed class. And I think it quite clear that in [an enormous case involving thousands] you could not make any such finding. I don't think that case is a class action except for those people who can be reached.
It is a great tribute to Judge Wyzanski's foresight that the Supreme Court has since held that notice and an opportunity to opt out is constitutionally required in class money claim cases. Phillips Petrol. Co. v. Shutts, 472 U.S. 797, 812 (1985).
It is with that understanding that the rule was adopted and it was with that understanding that the notes contain the famous restriction that this rule would rarely, if ever, be used in mass tort cases. As a member of the committee, I dissented from the (b)(3) portion of the rule on the grounds that the classes would be too easy to rig and that if a pharmaceutical drug case were filed in state A, a user in state B should not be compelled to hire a lawyer to determine whether or not he should opt out.
II. EXPANSION.
The number of class actions following immediately upon the adoption of the rule was small. That is no longer the case. The number now runs into the low thousands. As the cases become bigger, the number of cases closed declines, so that there are an ever-larger backlog. We are now in the era of the billion dollar or several billion dollar aggregate actions; some big ones are Agent Orange, Dalkon Shield, and DES. Some of these big cases have been class actions, while others have been pulled together under the multi-district panel system. The common areas are torts, antitrust cases, securities cases, and RICO or consumer fraud cases.
III. PROBLEMS.
A. The Fix.(2)
Quite clearly the fear of some, of whom this writer was definitely one, was that the
rule would invite trouble by giving prospective defendants an opportunity to rig
classes which might be cheaply bought out. The 1963 spectre has not, in fact, arisen
to haunt the system. This phase of the federal district courts becoming merchants in
the sale of res judicata has not occurred. But its cousin has. Potential defendants have not had to create phony cases. The
"take a dive" plaintiff class has instead been empowered by the attorney who
purports to represent the class -- the attorney for the fair and adequate
representative according to the rule -- who is prepared, in effect, to take a bribe in
which he gets a lot and the members of the class get very little. Such arrangements
are also called "sweetheart settlements with defendants, trading a portion of the
compensation due victims for a premium on, or merely the certainty of, the fee
recovery." D. Rosenberg, Class Actions for Mass Torts, 62 Ind. L.J. 561, 583 (1987). For want of statistical evidence, one must become anecdotal, and I report from
anecdote that this phenomenon exists. As § 30-42 of the Manual for Complex
Litigation Second (sometimes called by the judges the Complex Manual for
Litigation) recognizes, "counsel for the parties are the main source of information
concerning the settlement." Of course the judge should review the settlement and
of course there should be opportunity for protest, but with the backlog of
thousands of class actions pending, with presumably all of them before very busy
judges, and with judges bringing uneven levels of ability to the task -- not all of
them are a Judge Pointer or Judge Weinstein or Judge Higginbotham -- settlements
can be perfunctorily swept through. A recent illustration of an extraordinarily meticulous fee study is that of Judge
William Browning in a $600 million matter, largely though not entirely affirmed
after close thought in Washington Pub. Power v. City of Seattle, 1994 W.L. 90327 at 9
(9th Cir. Mar. 23, 1994). This was a seven-and-a-half-year case. It took a law clerk
one year, full time, to analyze the fee claims and the judge over three weeks to
utilize the data and reach his result. As is observed in a very substantial Stanford
Law Review article, judicial review of the records in a big case "seems a positively
breathtaking waste of an article III judge's time," and this review usually results in
"a few generalities about the uncertainty of recovery" and a contingency
multiplier. J. Alexander, Do the Merits Matter?, 41 Stan. L. Rev. 497, 578-79 (1991). As
has been said in a very constructive analysis, "Ultimately, the most persuasive
account of why class actions frequently produce unsatisfactory results is the
hypothesis that such actions are uniquely vulnerable to collusive settlements that
benefit plaintiffs' attorneys rather than their clients." J. Coffee, Plaintiffs'
Attorneys in Class Actions, 86 Col. L. Rev. 669, 677 (1986). This does not, by any means, always happen. A splendid example is of a large
securities fraud case pending in the district court in Louisiana. A settlement was
negotiated in which the security holders would receive 1.7 cents return on each
dollar invested, minus 25 percent for legal fees, essentially a penny on the dollar.
The net return to the investors, in short, was slightly over one percent and counsel
fees were proposed to be $7 million. This one was gross enough to raise a howl and a national television program
highlighted it. This led to a protest. The judge did take steps to reject the proposal
and a later, different and fairer settlement was worked out. But in most
settlements, there is no television coverage and the sense of scandal is not large
enough, nor the potential awards great enough, to engender an effective protest. As this thought has been politely put, "Because the economic interests of the
attorney and the class may conflict, the attorney may negotiate settlement terms
that do not reflect the interests of the absentee class." Note, Abuse in Plaintiff
Class Action Settlements, 84 Mich. L. Rev. 308 (1985). Without any venality, but simply
as a matter of business judgment, as Judge Friendly has observed, the attorney may
have an advantage in taking a smaller settlement bearing a higher ratio to the cost
of work than a larger settlement obtained after extensive discovery, trial and
appeal. Saylor v. Lindsley, 456 F.2d 896, 900 (2d Cir. 1972). The hazard of this conduct was greatly increased by the United States Supreme
Court decision in the matter of Jeff D. v. Evans, 475 U.S. 717 (1986). It had previously
been the rule in some circuits -- the lead case was from the Third Circuit, Pandrini v.
National Tea Co. 557 F.2d 1015, 1021 (3d Cir. 1977) -- that the settlement on the merits
and the determination of legal fees must be truly separate episodes so that the
merits would be determined at one time and the legal fees at another and later time.
This reduced the bribery potential. But the Supreme Court in Jeff D. held that both
of these matters could come on at once, so that the defendant could settle with the
class and settle with the lawyer simultaneously. I strongly recommend that legislation reverse Jeff D. This has not improved the returns to the classes. As Professor Kane has observed
with respect to settlement proposals which "explicitly provide for large attorney's
fees, . . . the court cannot rely on opposing counsel to assure a full adversary
presentation of the attorneys' fee application because, having reached a settlement,
the class opponents have no interest in how the fee issue is resolved." M.K. Kane, Of
Carrots and Sticks, 66 Tex. L. Rev. 385, 398 (1987). Moreover, as the Ninth Circuit has
observed, "the relationship between plaintiffs and their attorneys turns
adversarial at the fee-setting stage." Washington Pub. Power v. City of Seattle, supra.
For another discussion of "the pressures on class lawyers to settle and obtain fees
rather than maximize the benefits to the class," see L. Grosberg, Class Actions and
Client-Centered Decision Making, 40 Syracuse L. Rev. 709, 776 (1989). Let me be very
explicit. Nothing in this aspect of the fee problem makes the defense attorney look
any better than the plaintiff's attorney. B. Fees. We have no clear-cut analysis of the extent to which Rule 23 deserves the title
occasionally given to it in casual talk among lawyers as the Lawyers Relief Act.
The disproportion of the returns to members of the class and the returns to the
lawyers who represent them is often grotesque. In many cases, the individual
members of the class are entitled to receive at most a dollar or two, while the
attorney who secured this benefaction for them can retire on his share of this
victory. This Relief Act aspect of course cuts in both directions because the defense
bar must also be paid a sizeable sum for its efforts to keep the recovery down. As is
developed elsewhere, "the paramount motivation for such litigation [is] counsel's
desire to generate substantial fees." Note, Attorneys' Fees in Class Action
Shareholder Derivative Suits, 9 Del. J. Corp. L. 671 (1984), citing Zeffiro v. First
Pennsylvania Bank, 581 F. Supp. 811, 813 (E.D. Pa. 1983). The result by the 1980s and the present time, by way of historical development, has
been oft times to create a giant churn. The plaintiffs' lawyers are busy, the
defendants' lawyers are busy, the courts are busy, and the cream that should rise to
the top from all of this churning is frequently only a drop or two for those whom
Rule 23 was designed to benefit. For a strenuous attack on counsel fees, see J.
Alexander, Do the Merits Matter? A Study of Settlements in Securities Class Actions, 43
Stan. L. Rev. 497 (1991), giving one illustration of a thousand dollar an hour fee.
The article also illustrates the use of special masters as judges try to take control
of the detailed analysis of some of these claims. The common argument in favor of allowing class actions to proceed with pittance
returns to the beneficiaries is that this serves as a social regulatory mechanism and
helps to avoid future abuses of the general public. Collateral to this is the
argument that at least some of these cases are brought by organizations generally
well regarded for good works in behalf of consumers or other beneficiaries and
that the fees helped to sustain such organizations. However, there has never been a
meditated analysis as to whether this form of social regulation for consumers or
the environment is better handled by government agencies or by the courts, nor
whether the burden on the court system over-balances the value of this indirect
form of social legislation and administration. A different solution to the minuscule recovery and the large fee is the concept of
"fluid recovery." The development of this device, largely in the past fifteen years, is
set out in J. Solovy and others, Class Action Controversies at 140-42 (1994). For
example, when members of the class would get only two dollars a piece, the only
winners are likely to be the attorney and, oddly enough, the defendant because
nobody applies for these small amounts and the defendant gets to keep the money.
Under the developing notion of fluid recovery, there are other forms of charge
without any effort to get anything to the individual plaintiffs. Illustrations are
price rollbacks, coupons, and other devices; for discussion, see G. Hillebrand and D.
Torrence, Claims Procedure in Large Consumer Class Actions, 28 Santa Clara L. Rev.
747 (1988). I attach as Exhibit B a summary of what appear to be abuses, as well as a couple of
recent stories from The National Law Journal and The Wall Street Journal involving
the problem of token for the class member and great wealth for the representative. C. The Class Representation. 1. Who is the representative? The rule assumed that there would be an honest to God plaintiff or plaintiffs as
true representatives of the class. That has become a fiction; the class
representative "has been reduced to a little more than an admission ticket to the
courthouse and one anecdotal example of the class claim. Class counsel does all
major planning and makes the critical litigation decisions." J. Burns, Decorative
Figureheads: Eliminating Class Representatives in Class Actions, 42 Hastings L.J. 165,
166 (1990). The only close analysis in the literature strongly suggesting that no plaintiff is
representing the class is the Alexander study in the Stanford Law Review, supra,
analyzing nine settlements in securities cases. The stakes in those cases range from
$19 million to $95 million. The percentage settlement in seven of those cases range
from 20 percent of the stake to 27 percent and four of them are within a two-point
spread. The merits of those claims had nothing whatsoever to do with the
settlements; the merits could not be so interchangeable. These are cases in which
officers and directors are named as defendants and strongly suggest that
settlements are made with corporations to get the insiders off the hook. 2. The race for the gold. The most visibly distasteful aspect of class actions is the race by attorneys to grab
the first class claims and thus get to be lead counsel or at least on the steering
committee. The ashes from the great fire will not be cold and the corpses barely at
the mortuary before someone will have filed a class action; having found one
person, dazed but alive, or one widow, the attorney quickly files the action. There is
no actual representation of a class at all. From there on out, the case is churned to warrant more fees. There are cases where
the defendant would settle immediately, but is not given the chance. The development described here is anecdotal and not statistical, but the anecdotes
come on high authority. To write this paragraph I have consulted four past
presidents of the American Trial Lawyers Association, the number one group of
plaintiffs' lawyers. They are unanimous that this practice exists and that it is
disgusting; they refer to these speed artists as "The Parachutists." This historical
development, they believe, brings shame to the Bar and particularly to their great
division of it. IV. ILLUSTRATION OF CLAIMED SUCCESSES. Very responsible groups do not share my views on (b)(F). One of those groups is the
Alliance for Justice, of which I am a director and for which I have enormous respect.
I, therefore, insert here as a balance to my own views - though I am not myself
persuaded - the views of the Alliance for Justice on this point, Exhibit C. V. AMCHEM. Judge Edward Becker of the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, whose opinion is largely
affirmed in the important opinion by Justice Ginsburg in Amchem at the last session of
the Supreme Court, has put a needed a major rein on the abuses of settlement classes.
The Ginsburg opinion reminds us that Rule 23 sets its own limitations and is to be
followed; she puts a sharp check on the endless expansion of the rule by judicial
application. She also lays down important restrictions on classes generally and on
settlement classes in particular. VI. RECOMMENDATIONS. The Congress must decide to what extent it wishes to reconstruct Rule 23 by
legislation and to what extent it wishes to leave this to the Rules Committee
structure. I personally believe that the rule has become so abusive that running
reform on double track is a good idea, and some portions of what is necessary would
in any case require congressional action. Specifically: A. The Approach. I approach this topic from the liberal standpoint, and have no reluctance about
social engineering through law. But the rules structure was not created to make
the rules committee into social engineers. If social changes are desired, the
Congress and the Executive department through its agencies should take the
responsibility of policy and enforcement. I am wholly persuaded of the view
expressed by Judge Paul Niemeyer, the present Chairman of the Civil Rules
Committee of the Judicial Conference in his response to the parallel Senate
committee on this subject. He was asked whether he thought it desirable for Rule 23
to be used as a social tool to enforce laws through attorneys essentially acting as
private attorneys generally: I believe that Rule 23 was never intended to be a tool to enhance enforcement of
substantive claims. Rather, I believe, it was designed as a procedural device to
facilitate the aggregation of claims for judicial efficiency. Others, however,
believe that while judicial efficiency may have been the original intent of Rule 23,
the rule has transformed by use into a mechanism to enhance substantive
enforcement with the result that it actually supplements or even displaces
government regulation. While there is plenty of evidence to support this
observation, if it were to be legitimized as a purpose for Rule 23, such legitimization
should, in my judgment, be effected by Congress, and Congress might well conclude
that it is too anarchial to authorize private attorneys to self-appoint themselves as
enforcers of laws without adequate accountability to the lawmakers or to the
public. Response to Senator Grassley, December 16, 1997, Question No. 2. B. Removal. The Judicial Code should be amended to permit removal of class actions from state
courts whenever an industry involved in interstate commerce is involved. Since
John Marshall's time, it has been the interpretation of the diversity statute that
there must be total diversity in order for a case not involving a federal question to
be in the federal courts. In the famous case of Strawbridge v. Curtis, the Chief Justice
made clear that this was a matter of statutory interpretation and not
constitutional necessity. While most courts can handle class actions perfectly
well, we cannot blink the fact that there have been some gross abuses where an
obscure state court gives res judicata effect to a settlement which binds the entire
United States. C. Codify Amchem. In my view, settlement classes should be abolished; but if we are to have them, then
they should, as the Supreme Court has made very, very clear, be held to the same
standards as would be a full-scale adversary class action proceeding. I would
codify the Amchem case to provide that in considering a proposed settlement class, §
23(b)(3)(D) is inapplicable; heightened scrutiny is required as to 23(a)(4) and the other
provisions of Rule 23 apply equally to settlement class actions, as well as to all
other class actions. The elimination of (3)(D) means that the court will not need to
consider "the difficulties likely to be encountered in the management of a class
action" because, as Justice Ginsburg sensibly said, if the matter is going to be
settled, there isn't going to be any management anyway. The provision for heightened scrutiny of the (a)(4) element is the insistence that the
court look with great care at whether "the representative parties will fairly and
adequately protect the interests of the class." Amchem makes this of special
importance because, to put it bluntly, it is in the settlements that the lawyer may
sell out the class for the sake of his pocketbook. In all other respects, the
settlement class should have to meet the requirements of all other classes. D. The Opt-Out. In matters in which it appears that the recovery of individual members of the class,
as distinguished from their counsel, is likely to be small, the proceedings should go
forward as a class only if the proposed members affirmatively, after notice, express
a desire to be included in the action. "Opt-in" should be substituted for "opt-out."
The object is to take the romance out of class actions in which putative class
members have no wish to be involved. It will take the burden off the court by
determining this matter early instead of after extended procedures. E. Settlement and Fees. The earlier Third Circuit rule should be made national if there is to be settlement;
the fees should be independently considered. F. "Fluid Recovery." "Fluid recovery" (that is nothing to the class and some general bonanza to some
public interest) should never be allowed. I refer to such devices as an order which
gives nothing to the class but which provides that the defendant dairies should
lower the price of milk by two cents a quart for a given period of time. Nothing in
the Constitution, the Code, or the rules makes the courts proxies for the
appropriation committees of Congress or makes them specialized tax collectors for
public purposes. VII. CONCLUSION. I conclude by attaching as Exhibit D a letter received by me from Justice Hugo L.
Black of the United States Supreme Court in 1969. Rule 23(b)(3) was a mistake from
the beginning and I take some comfort from the fact that so distinguished a person
was of the same point of view. John P. Frank 1. 0 2. 0
Judiciary
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